The opinion of the court was delivered by: LASKER
Reading Industries, Inc., refines copper scrap and manufactures copper tubing. Defendants Kennecott Copper Corporation, Phelps Dodge Corporation, and The Anaconda Company, are large, vertically integrated firms which mine, mill, smelt, and refine copper. Together they produce about sixty percent of the refined copper used each year by the nation's copper fabricators, who transform refined copper into intermediate products such as copper wire, rod, sheet, and tubing. Each of the producing defendants also owns its own fabricating subsidiaries, some of which are named as defendants.
In this suit for treble damages under section 4 of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. § 15, Reading charges that between 1964 and 1970 Kennecott, Phelps Dodge, and Anaconda conspired to fix the price of domestically produced refined copper and to monopolize the market for the sale of domestically produced refined copper, in violation of sections 1 and 2 of the Sherman Act, 15 U.S.C. §§ 1, 2. Amended Complaint PP 40-42;
Defendants' Brief, Appendix A (letter of May 14, 1979 from plaintiffs' counsel to the court).
The defendants move on three grounds for summary judgment dismissing the complaint. First, they assert that the action must be dismissed on its merits because, despite extensive discovery over eight years, Reading has failed to produce any "significant probative evidence tending to support the complaint." First National Bank v. Cities Service Co., 391 U.S. 253, 290, 88 S. Ct. 1575, 1593, 20 L. Ed. 2d 569 (1968). Second, they argue that under the rule of Illinois Brick Co. v. Illinois, 431 U.S. 720, 97 S. Ct. 2061, 52 L. Ed. 2d 707 (1977), Reading cannot maintain this action. Finally, they contend that Reading lacks standing to sue under section 4 of the Clayton Act "both because (it) was not a "target' of (the alleged) conspiracy and because its claimed injury is too remote and indirect to sustain standing." (Defendants' Brief at 4.)
I. The Copper Market
and the Theory of Reading's Case
There are two sources of copper virgin ore and scrap. Primary production of domestic copper that is, production of copper from domestically mined ore is dominated by the defendants, who control sixty to seventy percent of domestic mine production and have augmented their mining hegemony by forward integration through the various phases of copper production, developing substantial smelting, refining, and fabricating capacity. Secondary copper production the recovery of copper scrap consists of two elements: recirculation of "new" scrap (defective castings, clippings, punchings, turnings, borings, skimmings, drosses, slags, and other scrap generated in the course of manufacturing copper items) and "old" scrap (obsolete, damaged, or discarded articles such as old pipe, spent cartridge casings, automobile radiators, and lithographic plates). Much new scrap is apparently returned by manufacturers directly to the copper fabricator from which the copper sheet, wire, rod, or tubing used in the manufacturing process was originally purchased, and does not pass through the "scrap market." Old scrap, and whatever new scrap does enter the market, is collected by several hundred scrap dealers or merchants who accumulate it and sell it to smelters and refiners.
During the period 1964 to 1970 there were three significant pricing systems for copper. The first was that employed by the major domestic producers, including Kennecott, Anaconda, and Phelps Dodge (and, until 1966, by many foreign producers), who quoted a non-negotiated price (known in the industry as the "producers' price") which remained in effect until a new price was quoted. Between 1964 and 1970, all the major domestic producers quoted identical prices, and any price change announced by one producer was, for all practical purposes, immediately matched by the others. The second pricing system was the London Metal Exchange (LME). The LME is primarily a hedgers' or speculators' market, seldom used to secure the actual delivery of copper. Its importance lies in the fact that many smaller producers, (and the major foreign producers after they abandoned the producers' price in 1966), based their prices on the LME quotations. The third pricing system was the scrap market, which consisted of several hundred independent dealers whose prices, according to Reading, were "tied to, tracked and established in the open market relative to the LME price." (Amended Complaint P 31.) Reading alleges that the LME and the scrap market were "open markets," which Reading defines as "competitive pricing mechanisms for copper established by buyers and sellers as a function of supply and demand, including, but not limited to, the LME, the New York Commodity Exchange ("COMEX"), and the dealers market for scrap." Id. P 28.
Reading further alleges that "(during) the period 1964-1970, the U.S. producers' price, the LME price and the scrap price were interrelated, and (that) under competitive conditions, the U.S. producers' price should have approximated the LME price." Id. P 32. In fact, however, between 1964 and 1970 the producers' price was well below the LME price: during this period, refined copper sold by Kennecott, Phelps Dodge, and Anaconda (at the producers' price) was considerably cheaper than refined copper available from other sources, including independent refiners and scrap dealers. Reading alleges that this was so only because the defendants conspired to keep the producers' price low, and that in furtherance of this conspiracy they chose to ration their available copper among favored customers rather than raise their prices to clear the market. The defendants acknowledge that each of them could have charged higher prices without losing sales in the short run, and that each of them did ration supplies among its customers, but they argue that each acted independently in refraining from raising its prices, in order to protect long term sales. In short, they argue that their conduct, though parallel, was non-collusive. If this is so, they are not accountable under the law for the effects of their actions, no matter how adverse to others. If, on the other hand, as Reading charges, the defendants' pricing behavior reflected a "contract, combination, or conspiracy" to restrain trade, or monopolize a market by fixing prices, they violated the Sherman Act. See Albrecht v. Herald Co., 390 U.S. 145, 88 S. Ct. 869, 19 L. Ed. 2d 998 (1968); Kiefer-Stewart Co. v. Joseph E. Seagram & Sons, Inc., 340 U.S. 211, 71 S. Ct. 259, 95 L. Ed. 219 (1951); United States v. Socony-Vacuum Oil Co., 310 U.S. 150, 60 S. Ct. 811, 84 L. Ed. 1129 (1940); L. Sullivan, Antitrust Law 210-13 (1977).
To prevail in this suit, however, Reading must establish not only that the defendants violated the antitrust laws, but also that Reading was injured "by reason of" their violation. 15 U.S.C. § 15. Reading does not contend that as a consequence of the defendants' pricing behavior it was injured in its capacity as a copper refiner. Rather, it alleges that it was injured as a purchaser of copper for its fabricating operations. Reading did not purchase copper from the defendants, nor could it allege injury if it had, since the gravamen of its complaint is the claim that the defendants sold copper at artificially low prices. Reading purchased copper primarily from scrap dealers, and the basis for its claim of injury is that because the defendants held down the price for their refined copper, which constituted about sixty percent of the refined copper available in the domestic market, the price for the other forty percent of the available copper, including the price for the copper scrap which Reading purchased, rose to artificially high levels. That is, Reading contends that it was injured because, as a direct result of the alleged conspiracy by the defendants to maintain a low producers' price for copper, it was forced to pay more for the copper scrap it purchased from scrap dealers than it would have had to pay in the absence of the conspiracy.
Despite Reading's voluminous submissions on this motion, it is not entirely clear what Reading considers to be the underlying economic mechanism responsible for the alleged effect of a low producers' price on "open market" copper prices.
The Report of Plaintiff's Economic Expert, submitted as an addendum to Reading's brief in opposition to the present motion, states that:
"The defendants' maintenance of an artificially low price for refined copper had three important consequences for the copper markets: (a) the defendants rationed the supplies of domestic copper that were "available' at the producer price; (b) some semifabricators, who historically had derived a large percentage of their copper from the defendants, experienced a serious shortage; and (c) the demand for copper that could not be satisfied by the defendants spilled over into other markets, causing the prices to rise in those markets."
The critical predicate of Reading's economic argument appears to be the fact, accepted by the defendants (at least for the purposes of this motion), that in order to maintain the low producers' price in the face of excess demand for copper at that price, the defendants rationed their supplies of copper.
As a consequence, fabricators who did purchase refined copper from the defendants at the producers' price were not able to purchase as much copper as they might have wished. Reading's argument appears to be that when these fabricators turned to alternate domestic sources, such as the scrap market, to purchase the complement of their needs, they were willing and able to bid up the price of copper available from those alternate sources precisely because they had secured a portion of their requirements at the low producers' price.
In short, Reading argues that these fabricators were able to pay, and did in fact pay, a premium price for the copper they purchased from alternate sources, such as scrap dealers, because they had realized savings on their purchases of relatively cheap copper from the defendants, that as a consequence the price for scrap copper rose to a higher level than it would have had the defendants not held the producers' price low, and that Reading was injured as a result to the defendants' allegedly illegal action.
Although the defendants do not agree with Reading's assertion that "open market" prices for copper, including the price for copper scrap, rose to higher levels than they otherwise would have had the defendants not held their prices for refined copper low, they do not dispute it on this motion. Rather, they take the position that even if Reading's analysis is correct, they are entitled to summary judgment dismissing the complaint. We have discussed Reading's thesis only because any consideration of the second and third branches of the defendants' motion for summary judgment requires an understanding of the purported causal link between the alleged antitrust violation and Reading's alleged injury. For the purposes of this motion, then, we assume that (whatever Reading's precise economic argument may be) Reading and the other firms that did not have access to the defendants' copper did pay more for copper than they would have had the defendants not held their prices at levels which failed to clear the market.
II. Evidence of Combination or Conspiracy
Acceptance of Reading's assumption, however, does not end the matter. To prevail in this action Reading must prove not only that it was injured because the defendants held the producers' price at an artificially low level, but also that in doing so the defendants violated the antitrust laws. Reading's theory of causation purports to explain only how the market translated a low producers' price into a high scrap price it says nothing as to how the low producers' price came about in the first place. Only if the defendants acted collusively are they liable under the Clayton and Sherman Acts. They argue that they are entitled to summary judgment dismissing the ...